Bombay-Karnataka and Central Karnataka, where the Lingayat population frequently determines the political landscape, are home to 30 of the BJP’s 54 seats. The politically powerful community prefers the BJP, and BS Yediyurappa is primarily responsible for bringing them on board. In a drive to expand Lingayat reservations, the BJP government has moved to combat Yediyurappa’s declining influence within the party.
The BJP’s campaign, which aims to capitalize on Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s popularity, might not be successful in other places. While the Prime Minister’s popularity among voters aids the party in sweeping parliamentary elections, PM Modi’s campaign will fall short in the assembly election.
“There is a sizable group of voters who support Narendra Modi but do not support our local candidate.” They’d prefer not to cast any votes for our candidate, “In the Udupi district, where three out of five constituencies have switched between the Congress and the BJP in each election, a BJP strategist makes this claim.
The Flip, Safe, And Bellwether Seats of Karnataka
Even though the BJP won all five seats in 2018, there are worried looks around the Udupi headquarters. They have this time rejected giving BJP tickets to incumbent MLAs in three “revolving door” constituencies. New MLA candidates may lead to less local anti-incumbency. “Only local organizations will run for these seats.” So, according to the strategist, strengthening voter links to the new MLA candidates would be our goal.
Safe Chairs are Hard to Find
Very few seats can be considered safe for parties; that is, just 60 out of 224 seats are strongholds of a political party, meaning the party has not lost here in three elections. Of these, 10 are for the JD(S), 23 are for the BJP, and 27 are for the Congress. All 10 of the JD(Ssafe)’s seats are in Southern Karnataka, where the HD Deve Gowda dynasty still controls the numerically significant Vokkaliga group.
The BJP’s base is dispersed over coastal Karnataka, where it has an advantage because of a robust party organization that is interwoven with the Sangh Parivar, in Bombay-Karnataka, where members of the Lingayat community tend to support the party, and in Bengaluru. The strongholds of the Congress are almost evenly distributed throughout the state, with the exception of Coastal Karnataka, where it only succeeded in winning three out of 21 seats in 2018.
On the other hand, the BJP could benefit from the fact that the Congress won 19 seats in the 2018 elections—nearly a fourth of their total—by a margin of fewer than 5,000 votes. Vital meeting on security preparations for the G20 in Kashmir today at the home ministry
It’s interesting that the Bengaluru region, which is home to one of India’s fastest-growing cities and has a reputation for vitality, is one of the least dynamic voting zones in the country. Just two seats are switched between parties here. Party strategists are confident that both the BJP and the Congress can hold onto their strongholds in 17, which have been established by both parties.
Ron: The Bellwether seat
The Ron constituency has shown to be a remarkable indicator to determine which way the wind is blowing throughout all the craziness and confusion of the Karnataka elections. In the parched drylands of Bombay-Karnataka, Ron is a pretty unimpressive seat that frequently flies under the political radar in the state. The constituency, however, holds the key for the party most likely to regain power, if electoral history is any indicator.
The party that wins Ron has always been the biggest political force in the state ever since the constituency was established in 1957. Indian-Origin Man Gets 18 Months In US Jail Over Tiktok Video Targeting Dalits
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The candidates for the constituency have been made public by Congress. The BJP, on the other hand, has not, and Ron remains one of a dozen constituencies in which it has struggled to make a choice. Given that the incumbent BJP legislator is embroiled in an intra-family dispute over the party nomination, campaigning has not yet begun in this district.
